亚洲正在老龄化——时刻关注老年人的赡养和照顾【外文翻译】.doc

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1、本科毕业设计（论文）外 文 翻 译原文：Aging in AsiaPerennial Concerns on Support and Caring for the OldAbstract This introductory article provides background to an understanding of “Aging in Asia,” focusing on the demographics of population aging in Asia. It discusses the differences in the magnitude of the aged popu

2、lation in different parts of Asia and highlights the perennial concerns of care and support facing the aged and their families as Asian societies grapple with the graying population. Globalization is one important factor presenting new challenges as well as opportunities to aging Asia. Keywords Asia

3、 .Aging .Globalization .Old age supportEast and Southeast Asia Aging the FastestIn only one-quarter centuryfrom 1970 to 1996the percent of the population aged 65 and over in Japan increased from seven to fourteen percent. Similarly swift increases are expected in China, beginning around the turn of

4、the century, and elsewhere in East and Southeast Asia fueled by dramatic drops in fertility levels.IntroductionAsia, home to some of the most populous nations in the world, has aged rapidly over the second half of the 20th century. Beginning with Japan, the most developed Asian nation, the graying o

5、f Asias population has proceeded apace among the less developed countries as well, such that the latter are likely to outstrip the former in the speed of population aging. These developments have taken place within a region of great diversity, not only in terms of their social and economic developme

6、nt but also in terms of their culture, language and religion. Thus, while the East Asian countries such as Japan, China, and South Korea share a common Confucian heritage, they are also at differing stages of economic and social development. On the other hand, while Singapore is physically located i

7、n Southeast Asia, the majority of its population is ethnic Chinese, and so it is commonly located within the East Asian cultural sphere. It is also the most developed of the Southeast Asian countries, second in Asia only to Japan in terms of per capita income. Within Singapore, there is a substantia

8、l Malay minority that is more akin culturally to the rest of Southeast Asia. There is also an Indian ethnic minority, who are migrants and descendants of migrants from South Asia. Other ethnic minorities, including tribal communities, can be found in most of the other Asian countries. While not all

9、are aging at the same rate(due to differences in the level and timing of their demographic transitions), the shift towards ever older populations is quite clear.Regardless of where they stand in terms of their cultural or socioeconomic development, the peoples of East and Southeast Asia are also eve

10、rywhere subject to the forces of globalization and change. While globalization is not a new phenomenon, it accelerated in the 1990s with rapid developments in information and communication technology (ICT). In this regard, not only can basic medical technology be brought to even the most remote vill

11、ages to bring about swift fertility and mortality declines, but the ICT revolution has also shrunk the distance between cultures and societies, not to mention integrating their economies. Changing values regarding marriage, family sizes, and roles and relationships within the family are some likely

12、consequences of this development. Greater mobility and new modes of economic production under the new global division of labor represent other factors that affect the way of life of individuals, families, and communities. While some may readily embrace these new realities, others have had these chan

13、ges imposed on them. The elderly are not exempt from these developments. Globalization presents new challenges for the aged, their families, and communities, as well as new opportunities. Caregiver issues are major concerns in Asian societies. Chronological aging brings certain life cycle changes, s

14、ome of which are physically imposed, while others are culturally defined or set by statutes. Among these life cycle changes are declining health status, retirement, and declining roles and status in family and society. Thus, old age often brings with it dependency and disengagement, and everywhere,

15、including in Asia, people and governments are concerned about the provision of care for the growing number and proportion of the aged. A major emphasis in the following papers is the role of the family in the care for elderly. Family members have often been identified as the care providers of choice

16、 by individuals and governments, but one is forced to ask whether family care is a sustainable option given various demands on the family and declining family sizes in Asia. The fluid and complex nature of intergenerational relationships diversifies family relations and affects family support and ca

17、re of aged relatives.Given the developments in health care, the elderly are also likely to live an increasing number of years post-retirement in a relatively healthy state. They may also have fewer traditional roles such as grand parenting, either by choice or by default. The growing number of healt

18、hy old will contribute to rising demand for leisure activities and programs to keep their bodies and minds occupied.As Mason has noted, the elderly have been the fastest growing demographic group in Asia, and “the development of institutions and programs that will meet the needs of the elderly in a

19、sustainable way requires time”. Commentators have also noted that whereas the more advanced countries were developed before they aged, countries in Asia are aging before they develop. Thus, questions have been raised as to whether they will be able to provide for the growing elderly population. On t

20、he other hand, Asia has also been characterized as a region where culture and tradition promote veneration and strong support for the old by family and community. However, the influence of these cultural props is also being eroded by internal and external forces, such as globalization.Issues and Cha

21、llengesIt would be fair to say that few of the Asian countries have, to date, developed the necessary infrastructure and institutions to provide for their elderly. In fact, not all countries even have a clear policy on aging. Where formal systems exist, the coverage may be limited to selected groups

22、 such as civil servants, workers of state enterprises, and members of armed forces. As Jackson has noted, most countries in Asia continue to rely heavily on informal family networks to support the elderly. Indeed, the family is considered the “expected” and most appropriate provider of care. However

23、, many questions have been raised about the sustainability of this model of care and various articles in this volume. In China, for example, the deliberate government policy limiting couples to one child, particularly in the urban areas, is causing its leaders to worry that in the future many childr

24、en will eventually have to support two aged parents and four grandparents, or what is commonly known as the “124 problem” .Elsewhere, including in traditional Confucianist societies such as Korea and Taiwan, more elderly are living on their own. According to Mason, “in Korea, only 8% of women survey

25、ed in 1997 said they wanted to live with their children in old age, while 70% did not want to. In Taipei, China, the proportion of 60-year-olds living with their adult children has declined substantially and the elderly are much slower than they used to be in moving in with their children as they ag

26、e.” Surveys in Korea and Japan show an increasing proportion of middle-aged who did not expect or even want to live with their children. Elderly who are single, who form a growing proportion of the population, may not have any children on whom to depend.Globalization is likely to have an impact on t

27、he family in a number of ways. The new global division of labor and ease of mobility increases the likelihood of younger generations migrating elsewhere in search of better job opportunities. Job losses and uncertainty associated with shorter, sharper business cycles are likely to affect fertility d

28、ecisions as well as the willingness and ability of the younger adult generation to provide for the old. In some Asian countries as well, health epidemics such as HIV/AIDS have taken their toll on the middle generation.OpportunitiesIt is not the intention here to be alarmist or to paint a gloom and d

29、oom picture of the future of Asia. As has been noted elsewhere, population aging is after all the result of human development and public health success. Indeed, there are many testaments to the successful development of the Asia-Pacific region, as Mason has noted. These include the rising school enr

30、ollment and literacy among both men and women, raising the productivity of workers. These have important implications for the future well-being of Asias elderly. Being better educated, future aged are likely to have held better paying jobs and be better prepared financially for their retirement. The

31、y are also likely to be fitter, having been beneficiaries of better education and better health care. More importantly, they are likely to be better positioned to take advantage of the new opportunities and new modes of work offered by globalization and the ICT revolution. Kumagais study of Japanese

32、 elderly in the information age society proposes that the internet will be one of the essential infrastructures to help seniors attain independent lifestyles. Existing institutions such as mandatory retirement would, however, have to be revised in tandem.New institutional arrangements would also hav

33、e to be developed to cater for the growing number of healthy aged who is likely to live longer in retirement. The ICT revolution could also be exploited to assist the elderly to remain socially engaged.ConclusionAsia is aging rapidly, and this poses challenges of providing for the growing number who

34、 are likely to require support. Population aging is taking place in a context where the traditional support base is being eroded, by demographic processes as well as forces induced by globalization. However, there are also new opportunities to be exploited. Future developments would depend on the sp

35、eed at which institutions can be adjusted to meet the challenge. However, some Asian countries will have more time than others to make the necessary adjustments.Source: springer link/ Mui Teng Yap & Leng Leng Thang & John W. Traphagan/ Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 2005, Volume 20, Number 4

36、, Pages 257-267译文：亚洲正在老龄化时刻关注老年人的赡养和照顾摘要：这篇导言为认识“亚洲老龄化”提供了一个背景，以亚洲的人口老龄化结构为重点。讨论了在亚洲不同地区的老年人口规模的差异，并强调时刻关注和支持老年人以及他们的家庭，努力克服亚洲社会的人口老龄化。全球化作为一个重要的因素为亚洲老龄化带来新的挑战和机遇。关键词：亚洲；老龄化；全球化；养老东亚和东南亚老龄化速度最快在19701996年这短短的四分之一个世纪里，日本65岁及以上人口的比例从百分之七增长到了百分之十四。同样快速的增加可能会出现在中国,19世纪末20世纪初, 东亚和东南亚其他亚洲地区（韩国，台湾和泰国）生育水平急剧

37、下降加剧了人口老龄化.简介亚洲，包含了世界上人口最多的一些国家，在20世纪下半叶，已经开始迅速老龄化。从最发达的亚洲国家日本开始，亚洲的人口老龄化进程在欠发达国家之间迅速发展，而后者的人口老龄化速度很可能超过前者。同一个地区的发展之间存在的巨大差异，不仅在其社会和经济发展方面，也在其文化，语言和宗教方面。因此，虽然东亚国家，如日本，中国和韩国有着共同的儒家传统，但在不同的经济和社会发展阶段也不相同。另一方面，虽然新加坡在地理位置上位于东南亚地区，但由于其主要人口是华裔，因此通常把它划归为东亚文化圈。它也是东南亚国家中最发达，在人均收入方面仅次于日本的亚洲第二的国家。在新加坡，有大量的马来文化更

38、接近于其他东南亚国家。印度还有一个少数民族，是南亚移民的移民和后裔。其他少数民族，包括部落群，大多数在其他亚洲国家可以发现。虽然不是所有的老龄化速度都一样（由于不同的发展水平和人口转变的时间），但是朝着老龄化转变却是很清楚的。无论站在自身文化或经济发展的立场，东亚和东南亚各地的人民也都受到了全球化和变革的力量。虽然全球化不是一个新现象，但是在20世纪90年代随着信息与通讯技术的发展，全球化进程加快了。在此影响下，不仅可以把基本的医疗技术带到最偏远的村庄使得生育率和死亡率迅速下降，而且信息和通信技术革命也缩小了文化和社会之间的差异，更不用说经济的一体化。这个发展可能会影响到家庭之中对婚姻，家庭规

39、模，角色和关系这些价值观的改变。在新的全球分工下更大的灵活性和新的经济生产模式表现出了影响个人，家庭和社区生活方式的其他因素。虽然有些人可能乐意接受这些新的现实，但是仍有一些人是被迫去改变的。老年人也无法避免。全球化对老人，他们的家庭和社会提出了新的挑战和机遇。老龄化问题是亚洲国家主要关心的问题。老龄化按时间顺序来排列呈现出一定的生命周期的变化，其中有些是从身体上施加的，而另一些是由文化定义或法规设置的。这些生命周期的变化包括健康状况的下降，退休，家庭和社会的作用和地位的衰退。因此，年老频繁。随之而来的，是人民和政府提供对照顾日益增多的老龄人口比重的依赖和脱离，无论在哪里，包括亚洲。接下来主要

40、强调家庭在老人照顾中的角色。在亚洲，家庭成员经常被个人和政府定义为赡养者，但是不得不问在家庭的各种需求和家庭规模下降的情况下家庭照顾是否是一个长久的选择。不确定和复杂的自然代沟关系分散了家庭关系，影响家庭养老。由于医疗保健的发展，随着在一个相对健康的状况下提前几年退休的人的增加，老年人可能会增加的更快。他们可能会有较少的传统角色如祖辈，无论是选择或是默认。健康的老人越来越多，将有助于增加休闲活动和方案的需求，保持自己的身体和心灵的充实。Mason指出：老年人一直是亚洲增长最快的人群，面对养老制度的发展和进程要制定一个可持续的方法需要时间。有的评论者还提出，大多数先进的国家在老龄化之前就制定了制

41、度，而亚洲国家的老龄化在发展之前。因此，问题上升到他亚洲国家能否为不断增长老年人口提供需要。另一方面，亚洲也被作为一个由文化和传统促进对家庭和社会养老的尊敬和力量的典型地区。然而，这些文化道具的影响也正在被内外部的力量侵蚀，如全球化。问题和挑战公平地说，一些亚洲国家到目前为止，为老年人提供了完善的必要设施和制度。事实上，并非所有国家都有一个明确的养老制度。只要正式制度存在，其覆盖面就可能会受到特定群体的限制，例如公务员，国有企业职工，和武装部队成员。像Jackson所指出的，对于养老大多数的亚洲国家仍然严重地依赖于不正规的家庭网络。事实上，家庭被认为是“预期”和养老最适当的提供者。然而，许多问

42、题已引起了人们对这种照顾模式的可持续性。例如在中国，政府制定独生子女政策，特别是在城市，这造成很多领导人担心，在未来的许多孩子最终要支持两个年迈的父母和四个祖父母，也就是俗称被称为“1-2-4问题”。在其他包括了传统儒家社会的地方，如韩国和台湾，大多数老人是自己生活。在中国台北，和成年子女共同居住的60岁以上的老人的比例大幅下降，随着年龄的增长，老年人比以往要少搬去同子女共同居住。韩国和日本的调查显示不希望甚至不想和他们的孩子共同居住的中年人的比重增加。单身的老人，形成的增长比例越来越大，可能没有任何子女去依靠。 全球化可能会对家庭的许多方面产生影响。新的全球分工和流动的容易性增加了年轻一代迁

43、移到能够找到更好的工作机会的其他地方的可能性。失业和不确定性与更短暂的，更激烈的商业周期有关，这可能影响到生育的决定和意愿以及年轻一代提供养老的能力。在一些亚洲国家，流行病如艾滋病也对中年人来了惨重的代价。机会我的意图不是危言耸听或是描绘对亚洲未来的悲观和失望的图片。其他地方我也注意到，人口老龄化毕竟是人类的发展和公共健康成功的结果。事实上，有许多亚太地区成功发展的证明，这些包括增加学校招生和提高男女素质，提高工人生产率。这些都为造福亚洲未来的老人福利具有重要意义。有了更好的教育，将来老年人可能有更好的高薪就业机会，为自己退休后做了更好的资金准备。他们可能会更健康，成为更好的教育和医疗照顾的受

44、益者。更重要的是，他们很可能能够更好地利用新的机遇和利用全球化和信息通信技术革命所带来的工作新模式。Kumagai对“信息时代的日本老人”的社会计划的研究表明互联网将是一个重要基础设施，帮助老年人实现独立的生活方式。现存的制度如强制性退休，不得不进行一系列的改进。新的体制的安排也必须得到发展，以满足在退休后生活得比较久的健康老人的人数的增长。信息和通信技术革命也可以被利用来帮助老年人维持社会参与。结论亚洲正在迅速老龄化，这为提供可能需要支持的人数的增长造成挑战，以传统支持为基础背景的人口老龄化正在受到侵蚀，全球化也对人口进程造成了影响。不过，也开发了新的机遇。未来的发展将取决于机构适应挑战的速度，无论如何，一些亚洲国家将比其他国家花费更多的时间去做出必要的调整。忽略此处. . .此处忽略！